Bangladesh right now is abysmally completely different from the trajectory promised to the individuals by Professor Muhammad Yunus when he was sworn in (August 8, 2024) as Chief Adviser of the Interim Government. Many myths have been shattered.
The first delusion that has unravelled is that Sheikh Hasina’s ouster was the results of a “spontaneous students’ uprising”. It is now accepted that the ‘meticulously designed’ regime change operation was the handiwork of the Jamaat-e-Islami (JeI), the unconventional Islamist political occasion that fought in opposition to the creation of Bangladesh in 1971. In 2024, as in 1971, the JeI was strongly supported by Pakistan, backed by key exterior powers together with the United States and China. The JeI is the ability behind the Chief Adviser, controlling each determination.
The second delusion issues the legitimacy and constitutional validity of the Yunus-led regime. On August 8, 2024 they took the oath of allegiance to the Constitution of Bangladesh. However, this Constitution has no provision for an interim authorities. Even although the Bangladesh High Court (on December 17, 2024) restored the system of caretaker authorities, the Yunus-led Interim Government can’t be thought of a caretaker authorities. The Yunus regime has violated the mandated neutrality and non-party necessities of the caretaker authorities. Members of the Hizb-ut Tahrir, Islami Andolan Bangladesh, and Hefazat-e-Islam have been included as advisers in his regime. In a tweet (now deleted), one of many advisers expressed their need to determine a caliphate in Bangladesh based mostly on Sharia regulation, and even spoke about a civil warfare to attain this aim. The strongly Islamist ideological leanings and targets of those that maintain the reins of energy in Bangladesh have alienated them from the individuals.
An election delaying tactic
The third delusion pertains to the raison d’etre of any interim authorities. Its mandate can solely be to make sure that free, truthful and inclusive elections are organised throughout the specified 90-day interval, with the participation of all registered political events. An interim regime just isn’t authorised to take any main choices, particularly these with constitutional significance or implications. Such choices might be taken solely by an elected parliament.
Instead of getting ready for elections, the Yunus-led interim regime has initiated a reform course of, insisting that this should be accomplished earlier than the elections. It has arrange reform commissions for the Constitution, for electoral reforms, and for police reforms, amongst others. The JeI is the important thing protagonist of those reforms, which it hopes will increase its vote share far above the meagre 5% to 10% it has been receiving. This so-called reform course of is merely an excuse to delay the elections, a step strongly opposed by the Army and by main political events such because the Bangladesh Nationalist Party that are insisting that elections be held by December 2025. This subject is now quickly coming to a head, and election dates could also be introduced very quickly.
Led by the JeI, the interim regime is unleashing unspeakable violence on the individuals. Prime targets are the non-Muslim minorities (Hindus, Christians, Buddhists) in addition to Muslim spiritual minorities (Sufis and Ahmadiyyas). Equally vicious has been the violence unleashed in opposition to Awami League members and their supporters. Every statue, each constructing, each establishment related to the Liberation War of 1971 has been destroyed.
Over the months, as this violence has continued unabated, with various levels of ferocity, a big backlash has constructed up among the many individuals. Awami Leaguers have been jailed in massive numbers or simply brutally slaughtered. In May 2025, all Awami League actions have been banned. While Sheikh Hasina is being tried on expenses of ordering assaults on college students (throughout the unrest of July-August 2024), there may be deliberate amnesia concerning the burning and looting (by the mobs) of 400 police thanas throughout Bangladesh, adopted by the killing of policemen within the tons of, even hundreds, utilizing these looted weapons. The determination by the interim regime to indemnify itself and all “the students and people who actively took part in the mass uprising of July-August” in opposition to harassment or arrest has been sharply criticised inside and outdoors Bangladesh.
A celebration, its disconnect
The ‘students’ occasion, the National Citizen Party (NCP), fashioned in February 2025, is dubbed the King’s Party, owing direct allegiance to Mr. Yunus. So far, the occasion has no authorized standing since it’s not registered with the Election Commission. At first it included erstwhile members or sympathisers of the Islami Chhatra Shibir (college students’ wing of the JeI) and claims ‘it was established to fight for the rights of the student community’. Yet, it has little or no following amongst college college students. On July 16, 2025, NCP leaders held a rally in Gopalgunj, the hometown of the Father of the Nation, Sheikh Mujibur Rahman, with the reported intention of desecrating his mausoleum in Tungipara.
The NCP was strongly resisted by the native individuals, staunch supporters of the Awami League. The Bangladesh Army is claimed to have supported the NCP by firing on unarmed civilians, ensuing within the lack of a number of lives. The Gopalgunj incident has triggered a furore, with dissatisfaction in opposition to the NCP and the Interim regime reaching new highs. A criticism has now been filed with the United Nations, describing this as a genocidal assault on the individuals of Bangladesh.
Important establishments of state such because the judiciary, the central financial institution and even the media have been compromised. In August 2024, the Chief Justice of the Supreme Court and the Governor of the Bangladesh Bank have been surrounded by mobs and compelled to resign. This sample of mobocracy quickly grew to become the norm. Strict media management has been ensured by peremptorily taking on media homes. Journalists have been imprisoned for the reason that early days of the interim regime, many on expenses of homicide. Many have misplaced their jobs, and face penury. This huge clampdown on an in any other case vibrant and relatively free media has allowed the interim regime to hawk its personal model of occasions to the worldwide media.
Economic misery, a affected person India
However, it’s tough to cover the overwhelming financial misery being confronted by the individuals. Growth charges have halved from the strong 6% and extra every year, that was the norm below Sheikh Hasina. Factories have shut down because of poor provide chain administration, leading to joblessness and hyper-inflation. In July 2025, Bangladesh Bank highlighted persevering with macroeconomic challenges because of “persistent inflation, uncertainties associated with the forthcoming elections, slowing economic growth and stagnant private investment”.
The financial misery is, in some ways, the direct results of the international coverage objectives set by the Yunus regime. As might be anticipated, the JeI just isn’t averse to the moniker, ‘client state of Pakistan’, that’s more and more used for Bangladesh. The occasions of July-August 2024 have been preceded and accompanied by vicious anti-India propaganda. Harsh criticism of Sheikh Hasina as a ‘fascist dictator’ was invariably adopted by blaming India for the state of affairs in Bangladesh. The mutually helpful commerce and financial partnership between these two neighbouring international locations was criticised as being one-sided and unfair.
One year of this unrelenting barrage has now boomeranged on the Yunus regime. Public opinion has turned in opposition to it as a result of, apart from phrases, it has offered no succour to the individuals of Bangladesh. Across the nation, the shared chorus overtly describes the ‘earlier times’ as ‘being better’, together with the advantages to Bangladesh of their sturdy financial, commerce and funding hyperlinks with India.
India has proven a lot of persistence in coping with the interim regime. In August 2024, India had conveyed its willingness to proceed with and construct upon its hyperlinks with Bangladesh. In April 2025, throughout the bilateral assembly with Mr. Yunus, Prime Minister Narendra Modi reiterated India’s help for a democratic, steady, peaceable, progressive and inclusive Bangladesh, enunciating India’s people-centric method to the connection. Unfortunately, the hand of friendship was rebuffed. Now, a new grouping of China, Pakistan and Bangladesh is sought to be created. Bangladesh should have early free, truthful and inclusive elections below a new caretaker authorities. India is assured that the brand new elected authorities, one that actually displays the needs of the individuals of Bangladesh, will work to re-establish a cordial and mutually helpful relationship with India.
Veena Sikri is a former High Commissioner of India to Bangladesh
